The frog has already boiled: Inside the far-right takeover of French media

If French politics was a TV show, what would the central premise be? Would it be the downfall of king Macron, surrounded by his centre-right Elysée court, isolated from reality, his unwavering self-belief turning all he does into farce? Gerald Darmanin and Bruno Retailleau, knights in suits, leading the charge against “woke madness”? Manuel, Olivier, Fabien, and Sandrine, struggling to accept the realities of life on the left, where the enemy of your enemy is only sometimes your friend? Or would it be a far-right rags-to-riches drama about the inevitable rise to power of Jordan Bardella, smooth-faced “ideal son-in-law” and Teflon-coated ideologue? They all hold some truth and would get good ratings, but I don’t need to write them: they’re all available at the push of a button, on French radio, TV, in broadsheets and magazines.  

The headquarters of France's largest broadcaster, TF1. Image: Flickr

That these portrayals are caricatural doesn’t make them less common, and it matters: even in the digital present, traditional media retains a significant influence on public opinion and shapes the political agenda. TV and Radio are still what over half of French people reach for when looking to get the news in the morning. Crucially, the issues within the French Media are more than the usual skin-deep concerns raised about media – bias or partisanship, mis/disinformation, or the impact of AI. Rather, structural issues in French media have contributed to the degradation of public debate, and have enabled the rise of the far right, and threatening democracy itself in France. 

The most widely reported element in the toxification of French Media has been the proliferation of billionaire influence, the mascot of which has been Vincent Bolloré. Through his control of media conglomerate Vivendi, he’s bought influence across the media landscape: subscription TV and film (Canal+, which includes film production unit “StudioCanal”), radio (Europe1 and RFM), magazines, and TV. One of his channels, CNews, has become the top news channel in France. He also controls Hachette, a renowned publishing group, which owns “Relay”, a chain of shops ubiquitous in French railway stations and airports. Other billionaires have followed in his footsteps, notably LVMH luxury group boss Bernard Arnault, and Czech businessman Daniel Křetínský. In fact, as of 2024, 90% of the country’s daily newspapers (in terms of readership) and all of its private TV stations were owned by just seven major industrialists and financiers.  

The Bolloré strategy follows a simple process: purchase a title, re-orient editorial lines rightwards, eliminate sources of critical thinking and dissent – cut hit shows, silence investigations with costly legal action, fire journalists, and cut costs. His “full-spectrum” reach, allows his media operation to be omnipresent. It’s far-right issues, terms, and agenda are imposed in newspaper stands and Relay shops, on television at barbers’ and in bar-tabacs, in all formats, in all places. Bolloré’s conspiratorial “civilisational project” (yes, he actually said this) is unavoidable. Whether it’s blaming immigration for the (debunked) bed-bugs scare before the Paris Olympics ; handing a loudspeaker to Eric Zemmour, a man who peddles “great replacement” conspiracy theories and was recently sentenced for “contesting a crime against humanity”, or heavily overexposing far-right candidate Jordan Bardella, nothing is off the menu. 

Given the above, you’d be forgiven for thinking otherwise, but the state is heavily involved in the media landscape. The state spends over a billion euros per year on press subsidies, with a heavy bias towards major titles – without which they would go under. While news doesn’t have to be for profit, and can be funded in varying ways, we should ask: why have the public pay for a billionaire’s spin machine? The prestige of keeping legacy titles alive is an unjustifiable waste of money at a time when our planet is burning, inflation is rampant and threats to security loom large. Meanwhile, public service broadcasters, despite their success adapting to new media such as podcasts, are kept on a short leash, with government ministers able to simply invite themselves onto live television shows, and impending reforms to the sector looking to centralise power further. 

You may look to the regulators for hope. Unfortunately, they have been extremely slow to the draw. Shocking behaviour and breaches of broadcasting standards were obvious on C8, part of the CNews section of Bolloré’s empire, since at least 2016. First, came the warnings… action on concerns including an alleged sexual assault, broadcast live, was delayed by a bureaucratic technicality requiring repeated legal backing from the same law for severe warnings, on the basis violations came under several different laws. The ARCOM then issued fine after fine to C8 for other flagrant violations of broadcast regulations on disinformation, false advertising, impartiality and others, coming to a total of 52 breaches. But to Bolloré, this was pocket change – a fair price to pay to keep his protégé, French-discount store Donald Trump, Cyril Hanouna, on the air. It’s taken until the frequency came up for renewal for the hammer to fall on C8, but much of the damage is already done. 

So has the frog already boiled? Can the French media environment be healed? All is not lost. France is now home to a flourishing independent digital media scene, which is financially sustainable without state assistance. Regional and local publications are among the most trusted in the country, coming out stronger post-pandemic. By some measures, polarisation remains lower than in the US. 86% of the French public still thinks journalism is worthwhile: but rapid action is necessary to counter media fatigue and the collapse in trust. Focusing on the substantial causes of France’s recurring political crises, rather than placing bets on the political “game” of ministerial nominations, or providing more variety in topics could help restore confidence. Wasteful state subsidy for billionaire backed big titles should be dropped, and more vigorous powers given to ARCOM to ensure impartiality. Journalists should be protected from surveillance and police interference, and granted powers to safeguard and reassert their editorial independence. Macron’s government no longer has the time to enjoy having the game rigged in their favour. With the 2027 elections approaching, it’s time for them to accept they’ve enabled this extreme media environment and do the right thing to safeguard media freedom.